The Palestinians as judged by their friends and (ex-)allies. By Behind the Narrative.
You have been lied to. Systematically, deliberately, and for decades, about one of the most discussed people in the world. …
In this work, we’re not going to examine the Palestinians through their conflict with Israel. That story has been told, retold, and weaponized beyond recognition. Instead, we’re going to look at them through a different mirror — the allies who chose them, the regimes that embraced them, the movements that marched beside them.
The First Ally: Great Britain 1920–1948:
When the British Mandate was established in 1920, the Arabs living between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean were not yet calling themselves Palestinians. Many of them had arrived in recent decades, drawn by the economic opportunities that Jewish immigration had created, draining swamps, building cities, founding hospitals, newspapers, orchestras, and universities.
The British offered these Arabs something remarkable: a political framework, protected rights, and a path toward self-determination. It was an opportunity to build.
So they built. But what they built was not cities or universities. They built an ethos, and the foundation of that ethos was violence against Jews. Not against the British, because this was never really about colonialism, and they knew it. The British were useful — they blocked Jewish immigration, favored Arab political demands, and helped manufacture an Arab identity where there had been only loose tribal affiliations before.
Under British protection — and often with British indifference — they massacred Jewish families in their homes, slaughtered worshippers inside synagogues, raped women, mutilated bodies, smashed the skulls of children. In Hebron. In Jerusalem. In Safed. In Jaffa. Year after year, before there was a state to resist, before there was an occupation to oppose, before there was a single Israeli soldier on a single street.
The cause came later — dressing up something much older in the language of liberation. The goal was never a state; it was to eliminate Jews as part of a jihadist vision of Islamic conquest. That ethos was there from the beginning. It has never changed.
The Second Ally: Nazi Germany 1936–1945:
The British appointed a leader for the Arab population of Mandatory Palestine. They gave him the title Grand Mufti of Jerusalem … He built a nationalist movement with a single obsession: driving the Jews out. He spent two decades inciting riots, organizing massacres, and eliminating any Arab voice willing to compromise or coexist. When World War II broke out, he made his choice openly. He fled to Nazi Germany, requested a meeting with Adolf Hitler, and on November 28, 1941, sat across from the Führer in the Reich Chancellery in Berlin.
Why Hitler? Because al-Husseini had concluded that the Nazis were the only power willing to commit, in writing, to the complete elimination of Jewish presence in the Middle East. He came with a clear request: a formal Axis declaration recognizing Arab independence and pledging to destroy the Jewish homeland. He opened the meeting by conveying, in his own words, the admiration of the entire Arab world for the Führer. …
The Third Ally: The Soviet Union:
When the Nazi project collapsed in 1945, Al-Husseini fled to Cairo. The Soviet Union was seeking leverage in the Middle East. Israel had aligned with the West. The Arab world was volatile, resource-rich, and humiliated after three military defeats. It was perfect raw material for superpower-seeking proxies. …
The KGB went to work; Soviet intelligence operatives helped engineer the transformation of a local Arab rejection movement into a global anti-colonial cause. Ion Mihai Pacepa, the highest-ranking Soviet bloc intelligence officer ever to defect to the West, documented in detail how the KGB crafted the Palestinian narrative as a Cold War weapon. The goal was not Palestinian statehood; it was to destabilize the West’s most reliable ally in the Middle East and tie America down in an endless, unwinnable conflict.
Yasser Arafat, an Egyptian man, was a product of this machinery. He was recruited, trained, funded, and groomed by Soviet-aligned intelligence services; he was taught to speak the language of liberation while running an organization whose founding charter called for the destruction of Israel by armed struggle. …
The rebranding was a masterpiece. By the 1970s, the Palestinian cause had become the flagship of the global left. What had begun as a religious-nationalist movement rooted in massacre and Nazi collaboration had been relaunched as a Third World liberation struggle, complete with revolutionary aesthetics, academic champions, and a seat at the United Nations.
The Fourth Ally: Jordan 1948–1971:
After the Arab world lost the 1948 war against Israel following their rejection of the partition plan, hundreds of thousands of Arabs fled Israel. Jordan didn’t just absorb them; it annexed the West Bank entirely and granted Palestinians full citizenship. Overnight, Jordan had become the PLO’s most important host: vast refugee camps, a sympathetic population, and a long border with Israel, perfect for launching attacks. King Hussein tolerated them. For a while.
Through the late 1960s, the PLO turned Jordan into a state within a state; they ran their own checkpoints. They openly trained fighters and answered to no one. Arafat’s men strutted through Amman with weapons, ignored Jordanian law, and made it clear they considered themselves beyond the king’s authority. When Jordanian soldiers tried to assert control, the PLO shot back.
In September 1970, Palestinians hijacked four international passenger jets and forced three to land in the Jordanian desert. They blew up the planes in front of international cameras and held the passengers hostage for weeks. It was a spectacle meant to humiliate the West — staged on Jordanian soil without Hussein’s permission and in full view of the world.
Hussein had seen enough and unleashed his army. In ten days of brutal urban fighting, the Jordanian military killed thousands of Palestinians and drove the rest north. By 1971, the PLO and Palestinian citizens had been entirely expelled from Jordan to Lebanon.
The Fifth Ally: Lebanon 1971–1982:
Lebanon took in what Jordan had expelled. The PLO arrived with weapons, money, fighters, and no intention of being anyone’s guest. They moved into the Palestinian refugee camps in the south, declared them autonomous zones, and began doing exactly what they had done in Jordan — building a state within a state, this time with even less resistance. …
The PLO didn’t just use Lebanon as a base; they took it over. They controlled the refugee camps with an iron fist, taxed the population, ran courts, operated prisons, and published their own newspapers. They hijacked Lebanese media, bribed journalists, and threatened those who refused to cooperate. In southern Lebanon, where Lebanese civilians began calling it Fatahland, they built a military infrastructure that rivaled the Lebanese army. Rocket attacks into northern Israel became routine. Israeli reprisals followed, and Lebanese civilians paid the price for both. …
By 1982, Israel had had enough. The Israeli army invaded Lebanon, reached Beirut, and surrounded the city. After weeks of siege, the PLO evacuated — 8,000 fighters dispersed across the Arab world, and Arafat himself sailed out of Beirut harbor on a Greek ferry, waving to cameras. A second Arab country had thrown them out. They landed in Tunis. Three thousand miles from Palestine.
The Sixth Ally: Kuwait 1990:
While Arafat sat in Tunis, licking his wounds, the Palestinian cause was being funded by the Persian Gulf. Kuwait had built itself into a modern state on Palestinian labor and sent money to the PLO. Kuwait was the organization’s most reliable cash machine until Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait in August 1990. …
Arafat embraced the Iraqi dictator publicly, praised the invasion, and positioned the PLO as Baghdad’s ally. He called it Arab solidarity. The rest of the world called it what it was: a man betting on the wrong horse with someone else’s money. Kuwait never forgot.
When the Gulf War ended and Iraqi forces retreated, Kuwait expelled nearly every Palestinian in the country. Three hundred thousand Palestinian families who had lived there for decades were thrown out within months. The Gulf states cut off all funding to the PLO overnight, and Saudi Arabia followed. The financial infrastructure that had kept Arafat’s organization alive for twenty years evaporated in a single political miscalculation.
The Seventh Ally: Iran and Qatar — The Gun and the Checkbook:
By the early 1990s, Arafat was looking to set the streets on fire again, but the Palestinian movement was losing its edge, and Arafat knew it. The Islamic Republic of Iran had a vision, an Islamic caliphate spanning the Middle East, and they needed a local proxy to wage the war it couldn’t wage openly.
The two found each other, and everything reignited. The Islamic Republic had no interest in Palestinian statehood. A Palestinian state would mean a peace deal, and a peace deal would mean the end of the war — and the war was exactly what Tehran wanted. A proxy army on Israel’s southern border, firing rockets indefinitely, bleeding the Jewish state slowly, while Iran sat a thousand miles away and watched. Hamas was the perfect instrument. Throughout the 1990s, Iran flooded Hamas with money, weapons, and military training. …
Qatar understood this better than anyone. The ruling family in Doha had pledged loyalty to the Muslim Brotherhood decades earlier, which meant they shared the same ultimate goal as Iran: the destruction of Israel and the expansion of Islamic power across the region. They simply preferred a different battlefield. Not rockets and tunnels, but television screens and university campuses. Where Iran supplied the gun, Qatar would supply the narrative that made the gun look righteous.
So the partnership was born. Qatar poured billions into Hamas, hosted its leadership in five-star comfort in Doha, and built Al Jazeera into the world’s most watched Arabic-language news network — deploying it as a round-the-clock propaganda machine. Every Israeli military operation became a war crime. Every Hamas atrocity became resistance. Every dead civilian became a martyr, carefully photographed, carefully broadcast, carefully curated for Western audiences who had no framework to question what they were seeing. …
The Final Ally: The Western World:
When the Palestinian cause arrived in Western universities, newsrooms, and parliaments, it came dressed in the language the left had spent decades building: colonialism, indigenous rights, occupation, resistance. It fit so perfectly that almost no one stopped to check whether the clothes were real. The ministers nodded. The professors described the weave, and the crowd cheered.
But one country decided to run an experiment instead. In 1992, Denmark accepted 321 Palestinian refugees, not as a political gesture, but through a special act of parliament. The Danish government then did something unusual: it tracked them. For nearly three decades, it followed what happened to these people in a free, prosperous, peaceful country with no occupation, no checkpoints, no Israeli soldiers, no siege. A country that gave them housing, welfare, education, and opportunity. By 2019, the results were in: Sixty-four percent had acquired criminal records. Thirty-four percent of their children had acquired criminal records — and many of those children hadn’t even reached adulthood yet.
The vast majority were living on government welfare.
No occupation to blame, no apartheid to point to, no settlements, no blockade, no collective punishment. Just the same culture, the same values, the same ethos, transplanted to Scandinavia and left to grow on its own. The West looked at these numbers and looked away.
Because looking would mean asking the question no one wanted to ask: what if the problem was never the “occupation”? What if it was never the borders, the “settlements”s, the “colonialism”? What if the violence, the rejection, the inability to build — what if all of it traveled with them, across the Mediterranean, into the cold northern light of Denmark, and reproduced itself faithfully in the second generation?
Wow. Not a good culture, yet these are the people the left idolizes and supports:
The Palestinian national movement has never built a hospital that wasn’t a weapons depot. Never built a school that wasn’t a recruitment center. Its founding charter calls for destruction. Its television teaches children to die.
Its highest cultural aspiration, repeated in every mosque and every protest from London to Los Angeles, is “from the river to the sea.” The Western world translated that phrase as a call for Palestinian statehood. In Arabic, it means something else entirely: min al-nahr ila al-bahr — arabiyya hurra. From the river to the sea — Arab and free. No Jews. No Israel. No coexistence. The translation was not a mistake. It was a deliberate gift to a Western audience that needed the lie to stay comfortable.
