The One Election Issue to Roll Back the Globalists in Australia. By Jordan Knight. No, not the Voice, the other one.
For 20 years, Australia has led one of the largest migration programs in the world, with a record 456,000 migrants arriving in Australia in the last financial year alone. Nearly 650,000 are predicted by next year …
Nearly 30 per cent of Australia’s population is now foreign-born, while Greater Sydney and Melbourne now boast a foreign-born population of around 45 per cent. …
‘White flight’ is a touchy term that many would call a dog whistle, but as data found in 2018 by The Australian found, the truth is that it’s a statistical reality. In 2016, suburbs in Western Sydney witnessed a mass exodus of locals — typically Anglo-Saxon Australians — while at the same time receiving massive inflows of migrant arrivals. This means that with immigration ramped up to record highs, we might now see the same happen not just in other Sydney suburbs, but in Sydney itself. Note that last year 121,000 New South Welshmen left the state, with most moving to Queensland.
Witnessing the dramatic change of the neighbourhood you grew up in is now a common story for many Australians, old and young. The once-homogenous area my father grew up in is now over 60 per cent foreign-born, with above-average crime rates and poverty. In London, a BBC documentary, The Last Whites of East End, captures this phenomenon, and the heartbreak that entails. ‘I feel a foreigner in my own borough. We were born here. Lived here. Finding ourselves marginalised out,’ said one East Ender. ‘I feel like it [East End] is just going to dwindle out,’ said another.
Many will argue that having a majority foreign-born population is not necessarily a bad thing. But nobody to date has bothered to argue why exactly it’s a good thing either. The question of ‘how does this policy outcome benefit Australians?’ was never really answered. It kind of just happened, without a single word of discussion — as if it were an act of nature, and not a direct result of, government policy. …
Entire suburbs and cities of Australia have now had their composition radically changed. Yet it is deeply unfashionable to discuss such changes — unless, of course, you’re promoting it. …
Not only has mass immigration made the country poorer per capita — as many have argued — it’s fundamentally re-engineered our economy, shifting direction away from innovation and entrepreneurship, towards inflating unproductive assets. …
1.5 per cent of the entire world’s GDP is now stored in the Australian housing market. Not exactly the sign of a smart, healthy economy. …
We see immigrants, Labor sees new voters:
Then there’s the other major conservative complaint against the Voice — that it will capture our democracy and shift it further leftwards. Yet again, win or lose, it won’t matter — because this is already happening thanks to migrant voting habits. This isn’t a conspiracy theory — it’s a strategy. To understand how and why they’re doing it, you simply need to listen to the people who promote it.
‘When these [immigrants] enrol to vote, 20 per cent more of them will vote Labor,’ boasted a Labor-aligned consultant, showing a chart of Labor’s exploding migrant arrival numbers.
Labor’s numbers stack up. According to research done by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, newly arrived migrants are more than twice as likely to vote Labor as they are the Coalition (45 to 23 per cent). Their plan so far is working. In NSW, out of the top areas for foreign-born population, 16 out of 20 voted Labor. The Coalition, blindly supportive of mass immigration, are walking themselves into a political death trap. …
Matthew Goodwin ..: ‘Politics today feels more chaotic and less predictable than in the past because it is. Large numbers of people feel that they no longer have a voice in politics. That rising immigration, and rapid ethnic change threaten their national group, culture and ways of life. That the neoliberal economic system is leaving them behind relative to others in society, and who no longer identify with established politicians.’
Africa for Africans, but white countries for everybody:
This, he argues, has created a ‘pool of potential’ for national populist leaders to emerge.
To see what he means, look to Germany. There the immigration restrictionist party Alternative for Deutschland is currently polling at 21 per cent, putting them in second place. The now-governing right-wing national populist Sweden Democrats put their electoral success down to arguing against decades of neo-liberal economics which they say weakened their strength as a nation, and what they say is a declining ‘Swedishness’ brought on by mass immigration.
Politicians, pay attention!
Meanwhile, PHON, constantly embroiled in in-fighting, has struggled to strike a chord larger than a few sitting Senators. For Australia to successfully ride a way of National Populist sentiment, it will need professionalisation, away from personality politics. Whether this comes from a new Liberal party, a new PHON, or something else entirely, is yet to be seen.
While 53 per cent say they’ll be voting No [on the Voice], 70 per cent of Australians say they want lower immigration. The popular mandate is there, but where is the campaign? Where are the millions of dollars in donations? Where are the strategists, the headlines, the constant news stories?
Who benefits? Why are we never allowed to vote on this issue? First sensible Australian political party to make it the main issue wins. It won for Trump in 2016, and was a major factor in Brexit.
