The myth of white exceptionalism

The myth of white exceptionalism, by Eric Kaufmann.

These voters seek lower levels of immigration, and research shows that this is driven more by identity threat than by economic considerations. …

The notion that whites are a fallen category who can only redeem their sordid group history by denigrating or ignoring it, and that they must be judged against a different standard than other groups, is preventing a measured discussion of questions of immigration and ethnic change. …

PC hypocrisy is endangering whites:

Is it racist for a white person to vote for reduced immigration? Is it racist for whites to identify with a caucasian racial image as a group symbol? Save your answers. Now let’s change the questions. Is it racist for a Chinese-American person to favour increased Chinese immigration to grow the size of their community? What about for Hawaiians to identify with a Polynesian racial image as a symbol of their group? Now recall your answers. Even if you answered these questions consistently, if you are white, you probably cringed when completing the first set. …

No civilisation behaved well in the past, let’s face it. Prior to 1919, history was a litany of empire, slavery and conquest. …

Ethnic majorities are not malign forces: 80 percent of countries have an ethnic majority and the vast majority … are peaceful. The systematic study of political violence since 1945 doesn’t find that a moderate attachment to ethnic majority identity predicts genocide. Rather, as political scientist Barbara Harff pointed out, the combination of war, autocracy and an exclusivist ideology which brooks no dissent (whether socialist, civic nationalist, ethnic nationalist or Islamist) is what heightens the risk of genocide. … Indeed it is domination by an ethnic or religious minority (i.e. Sunnis in Iraq, Alawi in Syria) that increases the risk of civil war.

The analyst mustn’t generalise from rare events such as the Holocaust (‘selecting on the dependent variable’) in which Nordic theories of race played a part. Rather, we must consider all cases where ethnic majority attachment was in play and how this relates to the many cases of genocide. Barbara Harff has done just this, systematically analysing which factors predict an onset of one of the roughly 40 instances of genocide since 1945. By controlling for confounding variables, she has sorted the wheat of causal mechanisms from the chaff of spurious correlation. This shows that ideological extremism of any kind is dangerous. Moderate ethnic, national, religious or socialist beliefs aren’t dangerous. Like fire, these creeds can burn us if we get too close, but we need a little to warm us.

hat-tip Stephen Neil